Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt

Interview by Marga Tojo Gonzales

From 21 January to 2 February 2010 Eric Toussaint and Olivier Bonfond, both involved in alterglobalization activism, members of the International Council of the WSF, of the world coordination of social movements, and of the international network CADTM (Committee for the Abolition of the Third World Debt), participated in various international events and meetings in Brazil: international seminar of social movements (Sao Paulo, 21 - 23 January), international youth camp at Novo Hamburgo, international seminar entitled ’10 years later: challenges and proposals for another possible world’ organised by the Group of Reflection and Support for the WSF Process, that consists of several Brazilian organizations, among which IBASE, Ethos and Instituto Paulo Freire (Porto Alegre, 25 - 29 January 2010), the assembly of social movements (Porto Alegre, 29 January). Though they develop a critical analysis, Eric Toussaint and Olivier Bonfond consider that the World Social Forum can still act as a positive stimulant, but only in specific conditions. Interview.

Marga Tojo Gonzales : 10 years after the first use of the catchphrase “another world is possible”, a majority of humankind still live in subhuman conditions, and with the international financial crisis the situation has become even worse. Does this mean that the alterglobalist movement has failed?

Olivier Bonfond : When the question is asked in these terms, we have to acknowledge that the WSF and the alterglobalist movement in general have failed to genuinely change the course of the world. At the origin of these World Forums, we find the objective of changing society into something better, with more social justice, less inequalities, where the fundamental human needs of all citizens are met. But in fact the question should be asked differently. We have to establish whether the WSF and the alterglobalist movement played a positive part in the construction of a power relationship more favourable to the exploited and oppressed. The answer is then rather positive. But there is nothing miraculous about the WSF, it is still a dynamic process, with its weaknesses and contradictions. It is also quite ’young’: the WSF is only 10 and the alterglobalist movement hardly older, which is very short compared to the forces they fight against, namely those of an international capitalist oligarchy and trans-national companies served by such powerful instruments as the World Bank World Bank
WB The World Bank was founded as part of the new international monetary system set up at Bretton Woods in 1944. Its capital is provided by member states’ contributions and loans on the international money markets. It financed public and private projects in Third World and East European countries.

It consists of several closely associated institutions, among which :

1. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, 189 members in 2017), which provides loans in productive sectors such as farming or energy ;

2. The International Development Association (IDA, 159 members in 1997), which provides less advanced countries with long-term loans (35-40 years) at very low interest (1%) ;

3. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), which provides both loan and equity finance for business ventures in developing countries.

As Third World Debt gets worse, the World Bank (along with the IMF) tends to adopt a macro-economic perspective. For instance, it enforces adjustment policies that are intended to balance heavily indebted countries’ payments. The World Bank advises those countries that have to undergo the IMF’s therapy on such matters as how to reduce budget deficits, round up savings, enduce foreign investors to settle within their borders, or free prices and exchange rates.

, the IMF IMF
International Monetary Fund Along with the World Bank, the IMF was founded on the day the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed. Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates.

When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in 1971, the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments.

As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state. 85% of the votes is required to modify the IMF Charter (which means that the USA with 17,68% % of the votes has a de facto veto on any change).

The institution is dominated by five countries: the United States (16,74%), Japan (6,23%), Germany (5,81%), France (4,29%) and the UK (4,29%).
The other 183 member countries are divided into groups led by one country. The most important one (6,57% of the votes) is led by Belgium. The least important group of countries (1,55% of the votes) is led by Gabon and brings together African countries.

http://imf.org , the WTO WTO
World Trade Organisation The WTO, founded on 1^st January 1995, replaced the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT). The main innovation is that the WTO enjoys the status of an international organization. Its role is to ensure that no member States adopt any kind of protectionism whatsoever, in order to accelerate the liberalization global trading and to facilitate the strategies of the multinationals. It has an international court (the Dispute Settlement Body) which judges any alleged violations of its founding text drawn up in Marrakesh.

, NATO NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO ensures US military protection for the Europeans in case of aggression, but above all it gives the USA supremacy over the Western Bloc. Western European countries agreed to place their armed forces within a defence system under US command, and thus recognize the preponderance of the USA. NATO was founded in 1949 in Washington, but became less prominent after the end of the Cold War. In 2002, it had 19 members: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the UK, the USA, to which were added Greece and Turkey in 1952, the Federal Republic of Germany in 1955 (replaced by Unified Germany in 1990), Spain in 1982, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic in 1999. ,…

M.T.G.: After 10 years what do you see as the main asset Asset Something belonging to an individual or a business that has value or the power to earn money (FT). The opposite of assets are liabilities, that is the part of the balance sheet reflecting a company’s resources (the capital contributed by the partners, provisions for contingencies and charges, as well as the outstanding debts). of the movement ?

Eric Toussaint : The WSF has played a major part at two levels. First in delegitimizing neo-liberalism as the one and only possible model for humankind. Obviously the battle of ideas is not over and the logic of fatality is still at work in many minds, but the alterglobalist movement has been able to show and demonstrate the necessity and possibility of a global alternative. It has exposed the vanity of fashionable claims such as the ’end of history’ (Fukoyama) or Margaret Thatcher’s famous TINA (There Is No Alternative).
The WSF’s other important asset is that it has allowed, on the one hand the construction and strengthening of international networks, and on the other hand the interconnection between these various networks. In the context of our struggle against global capitalism, this is essential. Indeed, faced with strategies and power relations that lead to isolation and/or competition among countries and peoples, it is essential to go beyond the national context and propose global alternatives that weave threads of solidarity, but also and perhaps more importantly still, that coordinate international mobilization and strategies for action. In the first years of the Forum, there was obviously an interesting dynamic at work among the various forums, between them and the social movements, as well as ongoing international campaigns on issues such as the debt, the WTO, militarism, the environment, women’s rights, etc. and the organization of large-scale mobilizations on the occasion of WB, IMF, WTO, G8 G8 Group composed of the most powerful countries of the planet: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK and the USA, with Russia a full member since June 2002. Their heads of state meet annually, usually in June or July. and NATO meetings, or the overwhelming global mobilization against the planned invasion of Iraq in February 2003.

M.T.G.: It is thus no longer quite the case today? Are you among those who consider that the World Social Forum is running out of steam?

O.B.: The Forum has clearly lost some of its vitality and usefulness, and part of its legitimacy (especially with the WSF in Nairobi in January 2007 [1]). There are various reasons for this: the WSF’s institutionalization, the stronger influence of some large NGOs with significant financial resources, the propensity of some delegates for 4 or 5 star hotels, the inability to really merge events (over 1,500 events within 5 days at the latest WSF in Belém), the collection of funds from mixed or private companies (Petrobras, the large Brazilian oil company with 61% private capital, the Ford Foundation, the CELTEL trans-national company in Africa,…).
Political developments over these last years have also had a deep influence. We have to remember that since 2003 the two countries where the Forum was most deeply rooted at the beginning, namely Brazil and Italy, have each been subjected to a government experience that has had a deep influence on the WSF: Lula’s presidency in Brazil and the Prodi government [2] in Italy. Significant forces that had initiated the WSF supported and in some cases still support those governments that have implemented social-liberal or downright neo-liberal policies.
We also have to recognize that the WSF and the alterglobalist movement have failed to achieve global ’victories.’ Fortunately, on the Latin-American continent, the struggle against the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA, directed from Washington D.C.), which triumphed in 2005, is partly to its credit. But on the global stage, while capitalism is facing a major crisis, we can even get a tax on financial transactions adopted to curb speculation. Imperialist war adventures are more spunky than ever. Putschists are still in power in Honduras. Copenhagen was a patent failure for the superpowers. The very fact that on an international level the movement has been unable to achieve any victory has resulted in many who were expecting prompt tangible results feeling discouraged. In this respect we can thus say that the WSF is running out of steam, in the sense that it needs air or fuel to get into higher gear.

E.T.: It has to be added that a majority of the WSF leadership refused to move towards a movement determined to call for mobilization on a common platform. And without the concerted determination to mobilize on an international level, without the determination to establish common goals, it is difficult to move on. Inevitably the WSF looks more and more like some huge market for ideas (and proposals) that has not resulted in a convergence of objectives to struggle for. We do need an international instrument to set up priorities in terms of demands and objectives, a common schedule of actions, a common strategy. If the Forum cannot fulfil this function, we will have to build another instrument, without turning away from the Forum. I think it serves a purpose. But since part of the WSF does not want it turned into an instrument of mobilization, we had better build another instrument with the individuals and organizations that are convinced that this is what we need. This will not prevent us from still being active in the Forum. I am saying this to avoid a scission and endless debate that would lead to a sterile standstill.

MTG : What new instrument are you referring to?

E.T. : A proposal was made which, in point of fact, has had relatively little repercussion. I’m talking about Hugo Chávez’ call at the end of November 2009 for the creation of a Fifth International composed of social movements and left-wing parties [3]. I think it’s very interesting in principle. There could be a new perspective if there were reflection and dialogue between parties and social movements: a Fifth International as an instrument of convergence for action and for the creation of an alternative model [4]. But in my opinion it would not be an organization like the previous Internationals were – or still are, since the Fourth International still exists – that is to say, party organizations with a fairly high level of centralization. In my view the Fifth International should not be highly centralized and it should not require the self-dissolution of international networks or of an organization like the Fourth International. They could join the Fifth International and still keep their own specifics, but their membership would demonstrate that all the networks or major movements are determined to go further than the present ad hoc coalitions on climate or social justice, food sovereignty, the debt, etc. We have common causes among many networks and that’s a positive thing. But if we could successfully form a permanent front, it would be better still. The term “front” is a key word in defining the Fifth International. For me, the Fifth International would be, in the present situation, a permanent front of parties, social movements and international networks. The term “front” clearly implies that each would keep its identity but would give priority to what unites us in order to achieve objectives and take the struggle forward. Recent months have once again shown the need to increase our capacity to mobilize, because international mobilization against the coup d’état in Honduras was totally inadequate. This is a matter of serious concern, because with the United States supporting the coup by validating the elections that followed [5], putschist forces the world over are once again thinking that a putsch is a reasonable option. In Paraguay, for example, discussion among the putschists is all about “When” and “How”? They are convinced that a coup d’état should be staged from the National Congress against President Fernando Lugo. This goes to show that mobilization in the case of Honduras was not enough. Nor was it enough in the case of Copenhagen, and now Haiti. Response to the U.S. intervention in Haiti is totally insufficient.

MTG : What do you think of the recent development in the WSF, and more particularly what is your analysis of the forums held in Porto Alegre and Salvador de Bahia?

O.B.: The more positive side of what has happened at Porto Alegre in January 2010 was undoubtedly the launching of an international campaign against military bases on the Latin-American continent. This campaign, Latin America and the Caribbean: a region of peace. No to foreign military bases!, supported by a platform of major organizations, [6] shows that the WSF as open space can still lead to mobilizing campaigns. Another positive point: lots of organizations were brought together in actions that prepare for a mobilization around the Peoples’ World Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth, [7] to be held at Cochabamba from 19 to 22 April 2010.

Unfortunately the negative elements were not wanting, either in Porto Alegre or in Salvador de Bahia. We have to underline the weak attendance of social movements (notably indigenous organizations that had had such a positive influence on the Belèm WSF in January 2009), and consequently the debates were largely dominated by large NGOs which do not wish to question the underlying logic of the capitalist system. Next, even though this is nothing new, these two forums were financed by trans-national companies such as Petrobras. Petrobras is a a mixed oil and gas company active in Bolivia, Ecuador and Brazil where it occasions major environmental damages. If we recall article 4 of the Porto Alegre Charter of principles, The alternatives proposed at the World Social Forum stand in opposition to a process of globalization commanded by the large multinational corporations and by the governments and international institutions at the service of those corporations interests, [8] we immediately understand that there is a problem. All the more so as these forums are marked by the impressive presence of the Lula government, both in its financial support, which is not anything new either, and in the programming of events. In all events I attended there was one representative of the Brazilian government, who, as can be expected, stressed the positive results of the Lula government. There is thus a real danger of a social forum turning into an instrument of legitimation for a government with social liberal policies.

MTG: Just so, and with respect to the issue of the nature of the Brazilian government, some media echoed a keen debate between you, Eric Toussaint, and Socorro Gomez the representative of Cebrapaz and a member of PCdoB. During a debate on the new world order you said that Brazil was a peripheral imperialist power. A member of the audience, who was also a member of PcdoB, charged you with playing into the hands of US imperialism. What can you say about this?

E.T.: Brazil has a specific position: with a national economy that amounts to half of South America’s gross domestic product GDP
Gross Domestic Product Gross Domestic Product is an aggregate measure of total production within a given territory equal to the sum of the gross values added. The measure is notoriously incomplete; for example it does not take into account any activity that does not enter into a commercial exchange. The GDP takes into account both the production of goods and the production of services. Economic growth is defined as the variation of the GDP from one period to another. , it can indeed be considered a peripheral imperialist power, that is able to decide on a political course without asking for Washington’s consent. We can apply the term imperialism to a country like Brazil for a number of reasons: the foreign investments of its trans-national companies (Petrobras, Vale Rio Doce, Odebrecht [9]) mean that it has significant economic wieght and can influence the political decisions of foreign governments (this is the case in Paraguay, Bolivia and Ecuador, despite the fact that these countries the respective governments are trying to retrieve some sovereignty over their economies, which leads to tensions with Brasilia). These companies exploit resources and workers in the countries in which they invest as much as they can; the Brazilian government’s foreign policy largely serves the interests of Brazilian TNCs; Brazil is gradually acquiring a military force capable of permanently intervening abroad (Brazil is in charge of the Minustah in Haiti [10]). But we have to add the attribute ’peripheral’ to the noun ’imperialism’ to the extent that Brazil’s is not a dominant imperialism comparable to that of the USA, of the major countries in the EU (or indeed to the European Union as such), or of Japan. Brazil belongs to the same category as Russia, India and China, with whom they make up the BRIC, an acronym that was invented some fifteen years ago to refer to the main peripheral powers capable of developing a political and economic influence that dominant economic powers cannot ignore. We must further specify that Brazil comes last in this foursome through its economic size and through the fact that it has no access to nuclear weapons. In this respect it can be compared to South Africa. Brazil and the US have divergent interests in several respects: the economic interests of the Brazilian bourgeoisie in the areas of farming and manufacturing cannot be content with the US protectionism; the reactivation of the IVth fleet [11] and the US military bases in Columbia and Peru are resented by Brasilia, as a sign of Washington’s renewed determination to control South America and more particularly the strategic zone of Amazonia. The recent deployment of over 15,000 US soldiers in Haiti where Brazil runs the Minustah has also annoyed the Brazilian government. On the other hand Washington too is annoyed by Lula’s continued good relations with Cuba and Venezuela, its two main bugbears in the Western hemisphere.

The definition of Brazil as a peripheral imperialist power is not dependent on which political party - whether right-wing or left-wing - is in power. The word imperialism may seem excessive because it is associated with an aggressive military policy. But this is a narrow perception of imperialism. Did the loss of military power in Germany and Japan (and the loss of its colonies in the former’s case) erase their imperialist nature after the Second World War?

The main forerunner in using the term sub-imperialism about Brazil is the Brazilian economist Ruy Mauro Marini, [12] one of the fathers of the school of dependence. He wrote “We can consider Brazil to be the best current manifestation of sub-imperialism.” To answer those who contested such a term he formulated arguments that have become even more relevant: “Doesn’t the Brazilian expansionist policy in Latin America and Africa correspond, beyond the quest for new markets, to an attempt to gain control over sources of raw materials – such as ores and gas in Bolivia, oil in Ecuador and in the former Portuguese colonies of Africa, the hydroelectric potential in Paraguay – and, more cogently still, to prevent potential competitors such as Argentina from having access to such resources? (...) Doesn’t the export of Brazilian capital, mainly via the State as exemplified by Petrobras, stand out as a particular case of capital export in the context of what a dependent country like Brazil is able to do? Brazil also exports capital through the constant increase of foreign public loans and through capital associated to finance groups which operate in Paraguay, Bolivia and the former Portuguese colonies in Africa, to mention just a few instances.” He added an argument that has become stronger since he formulated it: “it would be good to keep in mind the accelerated process of monopolization (via concentration and centralization of capital) that has occurred in Brazil over these past years, as well as the extraordinary development of financial capital, mainly from 1968 onward.” As a conclusion he asserted that for the revolutionary left it is essential to be aware of what sub-imperialism means: “To conclude this foreword we should repeat how important the study of sub-imperialism is for the development of the Latin American revolutionary movement.”

During the debate at Porto Alegre on the new world order, I explained that of course, the United States is the dominant imperial power, and the most aggressive. Brazil is certainly not in the same league. I also severely criticized the European Union for its imperialism. Nevertheless, Brazil is definitely an imperialist power with the characteristics of a peripheral power. I prefer the term “peripheral imperialism” to “sub-imperialism” because since Ruy Mauro Marini first noted the phenomenon thirty years ago, Brazil has gained in autonomy with regard to the United States. In fact during the conference I was criticized by members of the PCdoB, [13] whose party supports Lula.
Indeed while staying in Brazil, we have clearly felt an intolerant attitude on the part of Lula’s partisans. They are not prepared to hear the government criticized. Let me add that of the other panellists taking part in the debate on the new world order, Patrick Bond Bond A bond is a stake in a debt issued by a company or governmental body. The holder of the bond, the creditor, is entitled to interest and reimbursement of the principal. If the company is listed, the holder can also sell the bond on a stock-exchange. of South Africa gave me clear support in my characterization of Brazil as practising peripheral imperialism. He explained that South Africa was in the same situation as Brazil, and that the BRIC countries were not a viable alternative.

M.T.G : The WSF is financed by transnational corporations who want to be seen as « greener » or more humane and is courted by political groups who want to use it as a campaign tool – some think it has been completely co-opted by the system and is therefore unlikely to do much good now. How do you feel about that?

OB : It is perfectly possible that the WSF could be gradually “absorbed” by the capitalist system. That would hardly be surprising. The capitalist system has long since proved capable of adapting and appropriating the ideas behind attempts to resist it. Like the NGOs, social movements and individuals that make it up, the WSF is constantly under threat of being co-opted. However, as a radical network, we at the CADTM believe that the WSF still has a role to play as a place for discussing alternative ways of ensuring authentic human development, based on social justice and respect for nature. The WSF must also strengthen convergence between all the movements that want to join in collective action. The movements will find their common ground during the Forum’s activities. Indeed the CADTM will continue to take an active part in the worldwide Assembly of Social Movements that emerged from Porto Alegre in January 2001, at the first WSF.

M.T.G.: Could you remind us in a few words what exactly the Assembly of Social Movements is? In fact just before the Forum in Porto Alegre, you took part in an international seminar in Sao Paulo on the social movements. What was the outcome?

OB : The Assembly of Social Movements (ASM) developed within the framework of the World Social Forum. Its main interest Interest An amount paid in remuneration of an investment or received by a lender. Interest is calculated on the amount of the capital invested or borrowed, the duration of the operation and the rate that has been set. was as an open space for working out a common agenda of mobilizations. It is composed of miscellaneous social movements and networks such as Via Campesina, the World Women’s March, the CADTM, Jubilee South, No Vox, trade union organisations, the Social Continental Alliance of the Americas, COMPA, ATTAC, etc.) which all have specific regional or national objectives but want to get together to fight capitalism in its neo-liberal, imperialist and military phase, against racism and patriarchy.
From 21 to 23 January 2010, in Sao Paulo, different social movements that have been participating in the ASM, some for a long time, some for less, held a seminar to examine the new international conjuncture, and also, more importantly, to see how the various forces present could be organized and better coordinated so as to strengthen struggles round the world. Debates about the conjuncture emphasized the gravity and the multidimensional nature of the systemic crisis we are faced with at the moment mainly because of the militarization and the criminalisation of social movements. When it comes to a strategy for action, the most important decision was undoubtedly to work towards organizing the next seminar of the Assembly for Social Movements in Africa, a few months before the 2011 WSF, which is to be held in Dakar in January 2011. There are two reasons for this. The first is to reinforce communication on the African continent, while keeping a worldwide perspective, since it will be an international meeting with the presence of African, Asian, American and European social movements. The second is to dynamize mobilization for the next World Social Forum and make sure that it will have a positive, concrete impact for the social movements and African struggles.

Translated by Vicki Briault and Christine Pagnoulle