Put people at the centre of plans for socio-economic recovery and advancement
21 March 2024 by Collective
The IMF team is in Colombo for the Second Review of the ongoing Extended Fund Facility (EFF) loan agreement with Sri Lanka and will meet with some civil society organisations and think tanks in Colombo on 19 March 2024, to receive their views on the progress of the ongoing structural reforms, and governance issues including anti-corruption reforms. This meeting is held in a context where it is already established that the government has met only 30% of the benchmarked governance targets.
We, the undersigned civil society organisations, trade unions and think tanks condemn the IMF
IMF
International Monetary Fund
Along with the World Bank, the IMF was founded on the day the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed. Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates.
When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in 1971, the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments.
As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state. 85% of the votes is required to modify the IMF Charter (which means that the USA with 17,68% % of the votes has a de facto veto on any change).
The institution is dominated by five countries: the United States (16,74%), Japan (6,23%), Germany (5,81%), France (4,29%) and the UK (4,29%).
The other 183 member countries are divided into groups led by one country. The most important one (6,57% of the votes) is led by Belgium. The least important group of countries (1,55% of the votes) is led by Gabon and brings together African countries.
http://imf.org
’s engagement in Sri Lanka and the uncritical engagement of some civil society actors with the IMF, despite evidence of the detrimental consequences of the joint GoSL-IMF austerity programme on the socio-economic wellbeing of the majority of our people and their future generations. The grave inequalities in society are widening and more people are trapped in poverty with little hope of recovery. In the face of this, the government selectively applies its austerity measures ensuring that its sacred cows remain untouched and unaffected. Despite the austerity there are wage increases and the preservation of perks for some sectors and not the others.
The IMF has met with local civil society organisations several times before. Similarly, civil society, trade unions, and activists have expressed their concerns regarding the design and conditionalities of the current 17th agreement with Sri Lanka on several occasions and they have expressed reservations that the concerns they voice are not taken into account. The Trade Unions and CSOs have consistently pointed out that much of Sri Lanka’s debt is odious debt
Odious Debt
According to the doctrine, for a debt to be odious it must meet two conditions:
1) It must have been contracted against the interests of the Nation, or against the interests of the People, or against the interests of the State.
2) Creditors cannot prove they they were unaware of how the borrowed money would be used.
We must underline that according to the doctrine of odious debt, the nature of the borrowing regime or government does not signify, since what matters is what the debt is used for. If a democratic government gets into debt against the interests of its population, the contracted debt can be called odious if it also meets the second condition. Consequently, contrary to a misleading version of the doctrine, odious debt is not only about dictatorial regimes.
(See Éric Toussaint, The Doctrine of Odious Debt : from Alexander Sack to the CADTM).
The father of the odious debt doctrine, Alexander Nahum Sack, clearly says that odious debts can be contracted by any regular government. Sack considers that a debt that is regularly incurred by a regular government can be branded as odious if the two above-mentioned conditions are met.
He adds, “once these two points are established, the burden of proof that the funds were used for the general or special needs of the State and were not of an odious character, would be upon the creditors.”
Sack defines a regular government as follows: “By a regular government is to be understood the supreme power that effectively exists within the limits of a given territory. Whether that government be monarchical (absolute or limited) or republican; whether it functions by “the grace of God” or “the will of the people”; whether it express “the will of the people” or not, of all the people or only of some; whether it be legally established or not, etc., none of that is relevant to the problem we are concerned with.”
So clearly for Sack, all regular governments, whether despotic or democratic, in one guise or another, can incur odious debts.
and, therefore, illegitimate. There has been no willingness by the IMF to seriously consider this and the other critical issues raised by civil society thus far. The IMF pleads that they must operate within their boundaries. Thus, these consultations with civil society are merely cosmetic, box-checking exercises.
Hence, we refuse to legitimise the implementation of a plan that is an unrelenting attack on the social and economic lives of the people of Sri Lanka through participation in consultations with the IMF, until we see a genuine effort by the IMF to address the concerns of the Sri Lankan people as listed below.
In light of this situation where there are no clear initiatives undertaken by the Government and the IMF to consider the impact of the current conditions, on the public of Sri Lanka, we the undersigned, are unable to consider the IMF consultation with civil society as leading to substantive changes to positive outcomes. The priority should be on safeguarding the best interests of our people and on their socio-economic recovery and advancement.
Signatories
Trade Unions
Organisations/Movements
Representing several individuals considered to form a group characterised by common traits and behaviours.
Being the result or work of several individuals.
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