[Part 3] Questions/Answers on China : Is China doing what the World Bank, IMF and US are doing?

23 February 2024 by Eric Toussaint


China has been demonized by several commentators: it is said to be the main creditor of many countries of the South and to get the best of them through ruthless exploitation, whereas the World Bank, the IMF, and the Paris Club, which comprise the traditional creditor powers, are supposed to do their best to help countries burdened by too much debt.

China uses propaganda of its own. It parades as an ally of countries of the South, regularly announces debt cancellation and debt relief, and claims that it does not impose neoliberal conditionalities as do the IMF and the World Bank. It also stresses its efficiency. Here is the second part of the analysis in the form of questions and answers.



 Can it be said that credits from China and the IMF IMF
International Monetary Fund
Along with the World Bank, the IMF was founded on the day the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed. Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates.

When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in 1971, the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments.

As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state. 85% of the votes is required to modify the IMF Charter (which means that the USA with 17,68% % of the votes has a de facto veto on any change).

The institution is dominated by five countries: the United States (16,74%), Japan (6,23%), Germany (5,81%), France (4,29%) and the UK (4,29%).
The other 183 member countries are divided into groups led by one country. The most important one (6,57% of the votes) is led by Belgium. The least important group of countries (1,55% of the votes) is led by Gabon and brings together African countries.

http://imf.org
have reduced the scope of defaults over the past three years? Have they provided solutions??

Since 2020 and the succession of external shocks (the Coronavirus pandemic and the effects of the war in Ukraine, in particular on the prices of grain, chemical fertilisers and fuel), the number of countries in financial difficulty has increased greatly. This has not resulted in a generalized crisis of debt repayment, since the International Monetary Fund and China have provided many emergency loans and/or rescheduling of payments. The IMF and China have not been alone in doing this, but they have had the most impact due to their financial weight.

This has provided short-term solutions for creditors, who until now have avoided a generalized payment crisis; but it has not provided a structural solution. What is more serious is that in the case of the IMF, the institution has taken advantage of the situation to impose extension and hardening of the neoliberal policies it has applied for close to 40 years now: reduction of social expenditures, removal of subsidies on basic products and services, increases in VAT (sales taxes), further privatizations, even less protection for local producers struggling against imported products, and so on. All this has contributed to a worsening of living conditions for hundreds of millions of people.

In the case of China, which does not impose this type of conditionalities – which in itself is positive –, postponement of repayment does not provide a fundamental solution because the debt of the “beneficiary” countries continues to increase. In certain cases, China has been given direct control over infrastructures, such as in Kenya with a railway line, or in Sri Lanka, with the port of Hambantota,  [1] for which it has obtained a 99-year operating lease.

 Has China followed the example of the USA during the period 1980-1990 with Latin American countries facing a serious debt crisis?

The People’s Bank of China grants more and more emergency loans in order to avoid problems as much as possible for Chinese public creditors in case of failure to repay.

It is true that in many ways, China has made use of formulas like those used by the USA when faced with the debt crisis in Latin America beginning in the 1980s. To protect the interests of its lenders, in particular the US banks, who were Latin America’s main creditors, the USA intervened actively to restructure debts and grant emergency credits to the countries concerned so that they could continue or resume payments to the banks.

The US Treasury used taxpayer money to bail out private US creditors – that is, major private banks [2]. In the case of China, the People’s Bank of China (the Chinese central bank Central Bank The establishment which in a given State is in charge of issuing bank notes and controlling the volume of currency and credit. In France, it is the Banque de France which assumes this role under the auspices of the European Central Bank (see ECB) while in the UK it is the Bank of England.

ECB : http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/Pages/home.aspx
) itself grants more and more emergency loans in order to avoid problems for Chinese public creditors as much as possible in case of failure to repay.

Nevertheless, there is an important difference between China and the USA – namely that in China’s case, the overwhelming majority of lenders are public whereas in the case of the USA with the crisis in the 1980s, the creditors were almost exclusively private.

 What is the volume of Chinese loans in Africa?

According to Eugène Berg, ex-ambassador of France to Namibia and Botswana, “Between 2000 and 2018, 50 African countries out of 54 borrowed 132 billion dollars from China, of which 80% was from Ex-Im Bank of China and China Development Bank (CDB), in various forms. In 2018, China held nearly 21% of the continent’s outstanding external public debt, with many of these loans going to finance infrastructures whose relevance is questionable.” (source: Eugène Berg, La percée chinoise en Afrique a des effets délétères (China’s Entry Into Africa has Deleterious Effects), Le Monde, 31 December 2021, translation CADTM)

The Chinese press agency Xinhua gives lower figures on the extent of Chinese loans: “A report published last July by the British NGO Debt Justice showed that 12 percent of the external debt of African countries is owed to Chinese lenders, compared to 35 percent to Western private lenders. The average interest Interest An amount paid in remuneration of an investment or received by a lender. Interest is calculated on the amount of the capital invested or borrowed, the duration of the operation and the rate that has been set. rate of these private loans is 5 percent, compared with 2.7 percent for loans from Chinese public and private lenders.” Source: Xinhua, Key Facts U.S. Deliberately Ignores about African Debt, 7/02/2023.

Encadré : A Debt Justice report puts China’s debt holdings in Africa into perspective

In a report published in July 2022, Debt Justice draws on data from the World Bank World Bank
WB
The World Bank was founded as part of the new international monetary system set up at Bretton Woods in 1944. Its capital is provided by member states’ contributions and loans on the international money markets. It financed public and private projects in Third World and East European countries.

It consists of several closely associated institutions, among which :

1. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, 189 members in 2017), which provides loans in productive sectors such as farming or energy ;

2. The International Development Association (IDA, 159 members in 1997), which provides less advanced countries with long-term loans (35-40 years) at very low interest (1%) ;

3. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), which provides both loan and equity finance for business ventures in developing countries.

As Third World Debt gets worse, the World Bank (along with the IMF) tends to adopt a macro-economic perspective. For instance, it enforces adjustment policies that are intended to balance heavily indebted countries’ payments. The World Bank advises those countries that have to undergo the IMF’s therapy on such matters as how to reduce budget deficits, round up savings, enduce foreign investors to settle within their borders, or free prices and exchange rates.

 to challenge the demonization of China as a creditor for African countries.

China is far outweighed by private creditors holding debt on the continent. In 2022, private creditors held 35% of all foreign debt of African countries, as against “only” 12% for China (meaning public and private Chinese creditors). As for multilateral creditors (mainly the World Bank and the IMF), they accounted for 39% of these countries’ external debt. Also, according to Debt Justice, China charges an average interest rate of 2.7% on its loans to African countries, compared to 5% for private creditors. As we shall see farther on, from this point of view, the Debt Justice report is in error, since some Chinese loans are at higher rates.

Similarly, more than a third of the external debt service Debt service The sum of the interests and the amortization of the capital borrowed. of African countries for the period 2022-2028 is with private creditors, as against 19% with Chinese lenders, who nevertheless received repayment, over that period, for the totality of the foreign debt stock Debt stock The total amount of debt as of end 2020. Here again, it should be pointed out that the amounts to be repaid to China by 2028 are higher than those given by the World Bank and Debt Justice. That is so because a large share Share A unit of ownership interest in a corporation or financial asset, representing one part of the total capital stock. Its owner (a shareholder) is entitled to receive an equal distribution of any profits distributed (a dividend) and to attend shareholder meetings. of China’s loans are at variable rates, generally indexed on the Libor LIBOR
London Interbank Offered Rate
An average rate calculated daily, based on transactions made by a group of representative banks. There are several LIBORs for some ten different currencies and some fifteen duration rates, from one day to twelve months.
(London Interbank Offered Rate), and with the sudden leap in interest rates Interest rates When A lends money to B, B repays the amount lent by A (the capital) as well as a supplementary sum known as interest, so that A has an interest in agreeing to this financial operation. The interest is determined by the interest rate, which may be high or low. To take a very simple example: if A borrows 100 million dollars for 10 years at a fixed interest rate of 5%, the first year he will repay a tenth of the capital initially borrowed (10 million dollars) plus 5% of the capital owed, i.e. 5 million dollars, that is a total of 15 million dollars. In the second year, he will again repay 10% of the capital borrowed, but the 5% now only applies to the remaining 90 million dollars still due, i.e. 4.5 million dollars, or a total of 14.5 million dollars. And so on, until the tenth year when he will repay the last 10 million dollars, plus 5% of that remaining 10 million dollars, i.e. 0.5 million dollars, giving a total of 10.5 million dollars. Over 10 years, the total amount repaid will come to 127.5 million dollars. The repayment of the capital is not usually made in equal instalments. In the initial years, the repayment concerns mainly the interest, and the proportion of capital repaid increases over the years. In this case, if repayments are stopped, the capital still due is higher…

The nominal interest rate is the rate at which the loan is contracted. The real interest rate is the nominal rate reduced by the rate of inflation.
since 2022 (caused by the unilateral decision made by the US Federal Reserve FED
Federal Reserve
Officially, Federal Reserve System, is the United States’ central bank created in 1913 by the ’Federal Reserve Act’, also called the ’Owen-Glass Act’, after a series of banking crises, particularly the ’Bank Panic’ of 1907.

FED – decentralized central bank : http://www.federalreserve.gov/
, the ECB ECB
European Central Bank
The European Central Bank is a European institution based in Frankfurt, founded in 1998, to which the countries of the Eurozone have transferred their monetary powers. Its official role is to ensure price stability by combating inflation within that Zone. Its three decision-making organs (the Executive Board, the Governing Council and the General Council) are composed of governors of the central banks of the member states and/or recognized specialists. According to its statutes, it is politically ‘independent’ but it is directly influenced by the world of finance.

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/ecb/html/index.en.html
 and the Bank of England), the rates at which African countries must repay China have increased greatly (see below).

To refine its analysis, Debt Justice studied the 15 most indebted countries – those who spent more than 15% of their income on repayment of foreign debt. Among these countries, the share accounted for by China is once again far less than the amounts received from private creditors for the period 2022-2028.

Still, the report mentions that more than a third of the external debt service of Angola, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Zambia for the period is owed to Chinese creditors. For example, between 2022 and 2028, 59% of Angola’s external debt service and 45% of Ethiopia’s are related to credit from China.

In short, on the basis of the report, China does not outweigh other creditors in Africa. Private Western creditors hold the majority of Africa’s external public debt. On this point, Debt Justice is quite correct.

 China lends at variable rates. What are the consequences?

A significant share of credits granted by China confirm that the variable interest rate corresponds to the Libor, plus an additional 2% to 4%. That currently works out to an interest rate of 7% to 9%.

Over recent years, more and more loans have been granted at variable rates. Chinese variable-rate contracts adopt the index known as the Libor (London Interbank Offered Rate) implemented by the big private banks in the 1970s. Note that one of the causes of the Third World debt crisis in the 1980s was the decision by the Federal Reserve of the USA to radically increase its rates, which caused a similar sudden leap in the Libor, which served as the index for variable-rate credits granted by private banks in the North to so-called “Third World” countries.

In a way, the same phenomenon is happening again. The credits from China at variable rates since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) were granted at a time when the Libor was near 0, since it corresponded to the rates in force at the US Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank and the Bank of England between 2012 and 2022. Following the unilateral decision by these three major central banks to raise their rate to 5.5% in the case of the Fed for the USA and the Bank of England, the Libor shot from 0 to over 5%. See the chart below.

Chart 9: Historical LIBOR rates between 1999 and 2024

A significant share of credits granted by China confirms that the variable interest rate corresponds to the Libor, plus an additional 2% to 4%. An example is a loan granted by China’s Ex-Im Bank to Cameroon in 2014. The contract calls for an interest rate of the Libor plus 3% to 4%, which, if that clause of the contract is applied, means a rate of 8% to 9%, since the Libor now stands at more than 5%.

Another loan granted to Cameroon, this time by the China Development Bank, calls for a variable rate corresponding to the Libor plus 2% to 3%. A third loan granted to Cameroon, by the Chinese public bank ICBC, calls for a rate corresponding to the Libor plus 1% to 4%.
China is not the only lender who lends at variable rates and uses the Libor as reference. So, for example does the Export Credit Bank of Turkey, which also granted a loan to Cameroon with an interest rate indexed on the Libor plus 4%. And a loan granted by the international Islamic Trade Finance Corporation calls for a rate of the Libor plus 3%. A similar loan to Cameroon from the private bank CommerzBank AG Paris, provides for a rate of the Libor plus 1.6%.

Other creditors use another index called the Euribor EURIBOR
Euro Interbank Offered Rate
The interbank rate used in the Eurozone. Established daily, it is the average of the transactions realised by a panel of the 57 most representative banks in the Eurozone. There are fifteen EURIBOR rates for terms ranging from one week to twelve months.

EURIBOR : http://www.euribor-rates.eu/panelbanks.asp
. In Cameroon’s case, the Agence Française de Développement (AFD) requires the Euribor rate plus a margin that has not been made public. Note that in the context of this loan, AFD imposed on Cameroon an equivalent clause to the one explained above regarding China – that is, an account is opened in which part of the income generated by the financed project is deposited and from which AFD can draw in case of a suspension of payment.

To return to the Euribor index, in the case of Cameroon, it is used by the African Development Bank (ADB), which calls for the Euribor rate plus 0.6%; by the World Bank (IBRD, with Euribor plus 1.3%; and by the private bank Deutsche Bank, at Euribor plus 3.05%. The use of the Euribor as index has the same consequences as the use of the Libor; see the chart below:

Graphique 10 : Évolution de l’Euribor entre 1999 et 2024

These two charts provide a clear visualization of the fact that during the period of “quantitative easing,” the Libor and Euribor rates were close to 0 and that from 2022 onward the increase was both sudden and very drastic.

China is not responsible for the drastic increases in interest rates. Responsibility lies only with the central banks of the USA, the Eurozone and the UK.

It should be underlined that China is not responsible for the drastic increases in rates. Responsibility lies only with the central banks of the USA, the Eurozone and the UK. Yet China’s decision to adopt the Libor and the principle of variable rates is still regrettable and open to criticism, given the precedent of the crisis in the 1980s and the fact that the Libor had been manipulated during the financial crisis of 2008-2010, resulting in penalties against several of the major banks who define the rate.

It is fundamental to see whether China, faced with the catastrophic effects of the increase in the Libor, will reconsider how its contracts are applied in order to radically attenuate the effects of that increase. Until now, there has been no official Chinese announcement that China will not require application of the rate increase.

 The IMF and the World Bank are calling on China to participate more actively in debt restructuring. What is the reality?

China is no worse than other creditors, but is far from being fundamentally different.

China’s coming of age as a major lender radically altered the balance Balance End of year statement of a company’s assets (what the company possesses) and liabilities (what it owes). In other words, the assets provide information about how the funds collected by the company have been used; and the liabilities, about the origins of those funds. of power among creditors. Until the start of the decade of 2010, if there was an agreement between the IMF, the World Bank and the Paris Club Paris Club This group of lender States was founded in 1956 and specializes in dealing with non-payment by developing countries.

, it was difficult for any poor country of which they were the main creditors to find any source of alternative financing, and no government of the Global South except for Cuba’s had the courage to suspend repayment unilaterally. It’s true that there is the case of the government of Ecuador, which suspended payment on a part of its debt and imposed a very significant debt reduction on its creditors [3], but only on debts held by private creditors, and not those held by the World Bank, the IMF and the Paris Club. Argentina also suspended payments to external private creditors from the end of 2001 until 2005. It did the same with the Paris Club from the end of 2001 until 2014.

Beginning in the decade of 2010, the dizzying increase in Chinese loans changed relations among creditors. For a significant number of countries, China played a larger and larger role, and in certain cases supplanted traditional creditors such as the former colonial powers (France, the UK, Belgium, Japan, Spain, etc.), the other major imperialist powers like the USA and Germany, and the World Bank and IMF.

The USA holds 16.5% of the voting rights in the IMF and 15.51% in the World Bank, while China has only 6.08% of voting rights in the IMF and 5.92% in the World Bank

China did not become part of the Paris Club. And, while it is a member of the IMF and the World Bank, the USA and its allies are blocking China from attaining its legitimate goal of increasing its percentage of voting rights in proportion to the size of its economy. Keep in mind that the USA holds 16.5% of the voting rights in the IMF and 15.51% in the World Bank, while China has only 6.08% of voting rights in the IMF and 5.92% in the World Bank [4]. Consequently, China, understandably, is not ready to adhere to the agreements made between the Paris Club and the two Bretton Woods institutions, all three of which are dominated by the USA and the Western European powers. China prefers to negotiate bilaterally with each debtor country separately. The World Bank’s and the IMF’s criticisms of the Chinese, whom they accuse of “egoism,” lack credibility because the two institutions systematically refuse to allow any debt cancellation agreement to apply to debt they themselves hold in the countries concerned. The World Bank and the IMF do not cancel debts. They create a specific fund financed by a certain number of member countries, generally the richest ones, from which they draw to secure repayment. [5] Criticisms of China levelled by the Paris Club are no more legitimate than those of the IMF and the World Bank, because it negotiates with each indebted country separately, just as China does.

Having pointed out the bad faith of the leaders of the IMF, the World Bank and the Paris Club regarding China, it should be added that China’s own behaviour is not fundamentally different from that of other creditors. It has established itself as a creditor who is capable of setting conditions that are in its interest. As a result China has changed the balance of power among creditors. But relations between creditors and indebted countries have not changed. China is in the same camp as other creditors, and wants to ensure that its interests are respected along with the interests of the USA and other major powers. China could take the side of the peoples of the Global South and set an example by granting cancellations of debts, observing transparency in its contracts and refusing the nefarious discipline and policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF. But quite often, China requires indebted countries to submit to the conditionalities and policies imposed by the IMF and the World Bank. It does not impose them itself, but it does support them.

In the final analysis, China is no worse than other creditors, but is far from being fundamentally different.

The author would like to thank Gilbert Achcar, Maxime Perriot and Claude Quémar for document research and/or proofreading.

Translated by Snake Arbusto and Christine Pagnoulle

Here is the same article in chinese :


Footnotes

[1Pierre-François Grenson, RDC, Burundi, Angola, Sri Lanka : Quatre exemples pour comprendre la présence chinoise en Afrique et en Asie (DRC, Burundi, Angola, Sri Lanka: Four examples for understanding China’s presence in Africa and Asia), CADTM, 21 June(in French)

[2See Éric Toussaint, The World Bank and the IMF: the creditors’ bailiffs, published 14 August 2020, and Chapter 15 of the book The World Bank – A Critical History, Pluto, 2023.

[3See the article Final Report of the Integral Auditing of the Ecuadorian Debt. Also see, in French, Éric Toussaint, En 2007-2008, l’Équateur a osé dire « non » aux créanciers et a remporté une victoire (In 2007-2008, Ecuador Dared Say ‘No’ to Creditors and Prevailed), published 15 March 2015(in French). See also the section of the film Debtocracy concerning Ecuador: (from 41’59’) and the videos (in French) Equateur : Historique de l’audit de la dette réalisée en 2007-2008. Pourquoi est-ce une victoire ? (14 minutes) published 8 November 2016 and L’audit de la dette en Équateur résumé en 7 minutes, published 27 November 2015

[4To learn more see CADTM, The International Monetary Fund (IMF): an ABC, CADTM, 31 October 2023, and CADTM, The World Bank: an ABC, CADTM, 28 October 2022.

[5Listen (in French) to: A propos de la prétendue annulation de dettes, Éric Toussaint interviewé par la BBC dénonce les effets d’annonce de Macron et du FMI (BBC Africa interview with Eric Toussaint regarding the IMF’s and Macron’s misleading statements on “debt relief”) published 16 April 2020

Eric Toussaint

is a historian and political scientist who completed his Ph.D. at the universities of Paris VIII and Liège, is the spokesperson of the CADTM International, and sits on the Scientific Council of ATTAC France.
He is the author of World Bank: A Critical History, London, Pluto, 2023, Greece 2015: there was an alternative. London: Resistance Books / IIRE / CADTM, 2020 , Debt System (Haymarket books, Chicago, 2019), Bankocracy (2015); The Life and Crimes of an Exemplary Man (2014); Glance in the Rear View Mirror. Neoliberal Ideology From its Origins to the Present, Haymarket books, Chicago, 2012, etc.
See his bibliography: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89ric_Toussaint
He co-authored World debt figures 2015 with Pierre Gottiniaux, Daniel Munevar and Antonio Sanabria (2015); and with Damien Millet Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank: Sixty Questions, Sixty Answers, Monthly Review Books, New York, 2010. He was the scientific coordinator of the Greek Truth Commission on Public Debt from April 2015 to November 2015.

Other articles in English by Eric Toussaint (704)

CADTM

COMMITTEE FOR THE ABOLITION OF ILLEGITIMATE DEBT

8 rue Jonfosse
4000 - Liège- Belgique

+324 56 62 56 35
info@cadtm.org

cadtm.org