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Confronting Financial Institutions’ Legacies in the Global South : 30 arguments against the World Bank and the IMF
by Eric Toussaint
3 June 2025

We present the speech delivered by the CADTM spokesperson at a public forum held in Manila (Philippines) on June 2, 2025, organised by IIRE Manila in collaboration with CADTM. The forum took place at the University of the Philippines in the capital. Titled “Debt Chains and Displaced Lives: Confronting Financial Institutions’ Legacies in the Global South,” the forum was endorsed by numerous organisations in addition to IIRE Manila and CADTM, including the UP CIDS AltDev Program on Alternative Development, the Centre for Migrant Advocacy, Focus on the Global South, the Freedom from Debt Coalition, Sumpay Mindanao, the Kaagapay OFW Resource and Service Centre, the University of the Philippines Department of Geography, and the Asian People’s Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD). Following Eric Toussaint’s speech, which is reproduced below, there were a dozen presentations by representatives of supportive organisations, as well as delegates from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. The presentations particularly stressed the connection between the detrimental policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF and the hardships that migration often entails for people in the Global South.

  1. Since their establishment in 1944, the World Bank and the IMF have consistently supported dictatorships and corrupt regimes aligned with the United States.
  2. The World Bank and the IMF undermine state sovereignty, egregiously violating the right of peoples to self-determination, particularly through the conditionalities they impose.
  3. These conditionalities lead to the impoverishment of populations, exacerbate inequalities, transfer control of countries to transnational corporations, and alter national legislation (including a complete overhaul of labour, mining, and forestry codes, and the abrogation of collective bargaining agreements, among other changes) in favour of creditors and foreign “investors.”
  4. Despite identifying significant misappropriations of funds, the World Bank and IMF have continued to maintain and even increase the loans granted to corrupt and dictatorial regimes aligned with Western powers.
  5. They have backed the most repressive dictatorships until their downfall. For example, emblematic cases include their support for Suharto in Indonesia from 1965 to 1998 and Marcos in the Philippines from 1972 to 1986, as well as Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt until their overthrow in 2011.
  6. They have actively undermined progressive democratic initiatives. Here are some examples: Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala in 1954; Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran during the early 1950s; Soekarno in Indonesia and João Goulart in Brazil in the early 1960s; the Sandinistas in Nicaragua during the 1980s; and, of course, Salvador Allende in Chile from 1970 to 1973. The list continues beyond these examples.
  7. The Bank and the IMF provide financing to dictators, subsequently demanding that their victims repay the odious debts contracted by their oppressors.
  8. The issue of colonial odious debt is a significant concern. Similarly, the Bank has compelled the populations of countries that achieved independence in the late 1950s and early 1960s to repay odious debts that were incurred by former colonial powers for the purposes of colonisation. A notable example is the colonial debt that Belgium and the World Bank incurred to facilitate the colonisation of Congo (Kinshasa) during the 1950s. This occurs despite the fact that such transfers of colonial debts are prohibited by international law.
  9. In the 1960s, the Bank and the IMF provided financial support to countries such as South Africa, which was under apartheid, and Portugal, which was maintaining its dominance over colonies in Africa and the Pacific, despite these nations being subject to an international financial boycott imposed by the UN. The World Bank also offered support to Indonesia, which had forcibly annexed East Timor in 1975.
  10. On the ecological front, the Bank continues to pursue productivist and extractivist policies that are disastrous for populations and harmful to nature. It still supports the construction of coal-fired power plants, which have severe implications for pollution and climate change. Furthermore, it has managed to take charge of the market for pollution permits. The World Bank also finances the construction of large dams, which inflict significant environmental damage. The Bank encourages the expansion of agribusiness at the expense of family farming, endorsing the extensive use of pesticides, herbicides, and chemical fertilisers that contribute to the alarming loss of biodiversity and degradation of soil quality. Additionally, the World Bank promotes the privatisation and commercialisation of land, which benefits large landowners. The president of the World Bank is currently attempting to persuade the board to fund the development of nuclear power plants.
  11. The World Bank and the IMF finance projects that blatantly violate human rights. One of the projects that least respects human rights and was directly supported by the Bank is the ‘transmigration’ project in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Several aspects of this project, such as the destruction of the natural environment of indigenous populations and the forced displacement of communities, could be classified as crimes against humanity.
  12. The World Bank and the IMF contributed to the emergence of factors that precipitated several debt crises. In summary: a) the World Bank and IMF encouraged countries to incur debts under conditions that ultimately led to overindebtedness; b) they drove, and at times compelled, countries to eliminate capital movement and exchange controls, which increased capital volatility and significantly facilitated its flight; c) they urged countries to abandon import substitution industrialisation in favour of a model centred on export promotion.
  13. When a debt crisis occurs, the World Bank and the IMF systematically prioritise the interests of creditors, mostly at the expense of debtors.
  14. The World Bank and the IMF have recommended and even imposed policies that shift the burden of debt to the general populace while favouring the most powerful.
  15. The World Bank and the IMF have perpetuated the ‘generalisation’ of an economic model that systematically exacerbates inequality both between and within countries.
  16. The World Bank and the IMF, in collusion with the governments of the indebted nations, have implemented structural adjustment policies across the majority of Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe.
  17. The countries mentioned have undertaken extensive privatisations that have harmed the common good, resulting in significant wealth accumulation for a small group of oligarchs.
  18. The World Bank and the IMF have bolstered large private corporations while undermining both governing authorities and small producers. This has exacerbated the exploitation of workers and small producers, increasing their vulnerability and precariousness.
  19. Their self-proclaimed fight against poverty fails to conceal a policy that in practice reproduces and aggravates the very causes of poverty.
  20. The World Bank’s rhetoric regarding “gender equity” aligns in practice with policies that, in reality, reinforce certain elements of patriarchal dominance. The policies financed by the Bank and the IMF adversely affect women’s lives.
  21. The liberalisation of capital flows, which has been systematically encouraged, has led to a rise in tax evasion, capital flight, and corruption.
  22. The liberalisation of trade has reinforced the strongest economies while further diminishing the weaker ones. Most small and medium-sized producers in developing countries struggle to compete against large corporations, whether from the North or the South.
  23. The World Bank and the IMF, who advocate for good governance in numerous reports, are known to engage in questionable practices within their own institutions.
  24. The World Bank and the IMF have systematically undermined public health services. Their actions have significantly weakened the ability of public authorities and individuals to combat traditional diseases such as malaria and tuberculosis, as well as emerging epidemics like Covid-19.
  25. The neoliberal policies increase pressure on the working classes to seek employment abroad in order to send financial aid back to their families at home. Additionally, there is a brain drain.
  26. This labour export generates more foreign exchange earnings than other exports. Remittance flows from migrant workers surpass development aid flows (ODA). In 2024, the total amount of remittances (money transfers from migrants) to low- and middle-income countries is estimated to exceed 656 billion USD, according to World Bank data. Total ODA, which predominantly consists of loans with only a small minority as grants, amounted to just under 200 billion USD. This figure includes ODA to Ukraine, which is not classified as a developing country. In the case of the Philippines, remittances from migrants reached 39 billion USD in 2024, while ODA donations barely exceeded 2 billion USD.
  27. Some governments actively promote the export of labour. In the Gulf States and in the economies of industrialised nations, these migrants are often subject to overexploitation and are deprived of their political, economic, social, and cultural rights.
  28. The two institutions marginalise most developing countries, despite them representing the majority of their members, thereby favouring a select few governments in wealthy nations.
  29. In summary, the World Bank and the IMF serve as despotic instruments wielded by an international oligarchy, comprising a small number of dominant powers, their governments, and their transnational corporations. This oligarchy reinforces an international capitalist system that is harmful to both humanity and the environment.
  30. The detrimental practices and activities of the World Bank and the IMF must be revealed and condemned to ensure they come to an end. The debts demanded for repayment by these institutions should be cancelled, and both the institutions and their directors must face accountability.

Conclusion
It is urgent that a new, democratic international architecture be set up, one that would promote the redistribution of wealth and support the efforts of people to achieve a form of development that is socially just and respectful of nature.

According to CADTM, it is impossible to reform the World Bank and the IMF. These two institutions must be dissolved and replaced by democratic international institutions. The organisation replacing the World Bank should be highly regionalised (banks of the South could be connected with it), and its function would be to provide loans at very low or zero interest and aid, which would not be granted unless they were used in strict accordance with social and environmental standards and, more generally, fundamental human rights. Unlike the existing World Bank, the new bank the world so desperately needs would not attempt to represent the interests of creditors while forcing debtors into submission to the all-powerful market; its priority mission would be to defend the interests of the people who receive loans and grants and whose labour repays them.

Regarding the new IMF, it should revert to part of its original mandate, which includes guaranteeing currency stability, combating speculation, controlling capital movements, and prohibiting tax havens and tax evasion. To attain this goal, it could contribute – along with national authorities and regional monetary funds that also need to be created – to collecting various international taxes.


Eric Toussaint

is a historian and political scientist who completed his Ph.D. at the universities of Paris VIII and Liège, is the spokesperson of the CADTM International, and sits on the Scientific Council of ATTAC France.
He is the author of World Bank: A Critical History, London, Pluto, 2023, Greece 2015: there was an alternative. London: Resistance Books / IIRE / CADTM, 2020 , Debt System (Haymarket books, Chicago, 2019), Bankocracy (2015); The Life and Crimes of an Exemplary Man (2014); Glance in the Rear View Mirror. Neoliberal Ideology From its Origins to the Present, Haymarket books, Chicago, 2012, etc.
See his bibliography: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89ric_Toussaint
He co-authored World debt figures 2015 with Pierre Gottiniaux, Daniel Munevar and Antonio Sanabria (2015); and with Damien Millet Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank: Sixty Questions, Sixty Answers, Monthly Review Books, New York, 2010. He was the scientific coordinator of the Greek Truth Commission on Public Debt from April 2015 to November 2015.