4 December 2025 by Feminist Collective for Economic Justice

“146” by trokilinochchi is licensed under CC BY 2.0.
It’s been many days of relentless rains and winds devastating the island as Cyclonic Storm Ditwah approached and made landfall in Sri Lanka. At the time of writing, we are heartbroken that 355 people have lost their lives and 366 people are missing. Nearly 15,000 to 25,000 homes are damaged and more than 59,000 families have been displaced.
The highest casualties were reported from Badulla, Kandy, Kegalle, Matale and Nuwara Eliya districts, from areas especially prone to landslides and home to already marginalised and vulnerable working class tea plantation workers. Telecommunication lines are down in many districts leaving people without a way to call for help. A state of emergency was declared on November 28th. First responders working tirelessly have been providing support and an outpouring of community-led efforts by volunteers. However, with the prevailing conditions, the human impact and death toll are expected to increase.
The lack of information, transparency, and coordination have left communities in the most vulnerable areas stranded with no help. Although dedicated disaster management systems have been in place in Sri Lanka since the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, these systems turned out to be ill prepared. Evacuation notices were issued, often only after roads were flooded, without adequate information on the infrastructure and support people require to move to shelters with confidence.
Official government communications, including those from Disaster Management Centers and the Meteorology Department, are issued in Sinhala, even when addressing affected regions that were primarily Tamil-speaking. Default practices of institutional racism creeped in even at a time of dire need. The lack of a trained and equipped civilian disaster response cadre has meant dependence on the military at this time. Whilst recognising the efforts and humanitarian motives of all rescue efforts underway, we note for the future the need to move towards civilian systems.
Impact on the marginalised
Communities who are already marginalised and vulnerable are the worst hit by the disaster. Low-income and working class households are bearing the brunt. Households dependent on fishing are unable to go out to fish; those who have home-based livelihoods such as food preparation, basket-weaving, packing spices, sewing, etc., cannot earn due to disruption to transport and access to markets. Those dependent on agriculture have lost their entire crop.
Free Trade Zone workers are adversely affected. Workers living and working in and around the industrial waste canals are exposed to deteriorating water sanitation and severe hygiene risks. It is shocking that even in these extremely perilous conditions, workers are being forced to work.
Plantation workers have lost homes, loved ones and continue to battle landslides occurring in close proximity to one another leaving barely any room to escape. Women workers, especially domestic workers, have to juggle the impossible choice between going to work and attending to increased care work, including addressing structural damage to their homes.
The impact on low-income and working class households is not short term as incomes of the entire season’s produce are lost and damage to infrastructure and equipment will take a lot more time to replace.
Along with the poor and working class communities, other marginalised groups are entirely invibilised. Queer and trans people, especially those living without familial support or are forced to live in unsafe homes, are neglected at times of disaster. Access to shelter and evacuation is challenging at best and often impossible for many reasons, including the lack of identity documents that affirm their preferred gender/name. Along with such obstacles, the wrath of social stigma puts this group at the very bottom of the rung, especially during crises when many are scrambling for the limited support being provided.
People living with disabilities, especially women, are stranded when Government announcements ask people to go to shelters without any awareness, sensitivity or logistical support for people with prosthetic limbs, or wheel chairs, or those who are visually or hearing challenged to navigate flood waters, landslides and cyclonic winds to reach a shelter. None of the shelters have basic facilities - toilets and other access - for those living with disabilities. We know from past experience that persons living with disabilities cannot scramble for relief packs, even if they are able to reach temporary shelters.
In post-disaster contexts, there is often an increase in domestic and sexual violence. While existing hotlines have been publicised by the state, they are ill-equipped to deal with the increased demand. Women who attempted to access emergency support were sent away showing the unpreparedness of the response structures.
Women disproportionately bear the burden of household readiness such as addressing the distress of occupying less permanent structures, securing food, preparing to evacuate, caring for the elderly, the sick and the young, extending support to neighbours and extended family, protecting personal belongings and holding space for fears and anxieties - their own and of others. Yet there is barely any emergency psychosocial support and communities are not brought in to participate in building coping and resilience mechanisms.
The climate crisis is further aggravated by an economic structure that marginalises the poor. The failure to establish long-term safety nets for vulnerable and marginalised communities become acutely visible at such times. Within a year, we have survived three climate disasters -the tropical storm Fengal in November last year, the Montha and Ditwah cyclones in October and December this year. Being forced to live in weak, exposed structures, in vulnerable areas such as landslide prone mountains, flood prone low-lying outskirts of towns and along river banks/canals is largely due to poverty and landlessness.
The housing inequalities are socio-historical and systemic. Add to this gross inequalities related to livelihood, access to transport and health infrastructures, and social stigma, it is clear that the vulnerabilities of people are structural and infrastructural.
Policy priorities
In this context, we are disappointed that the NPP Government’s policies reflected in the 2026 budget have failed, yet again, to prioritize social protection. Cutting off people from social protection or describing the cash transfers as begging, as Minister Sunil Handunetti has done, demonstrates the disconnect between policymakers and people’s needs. Social protection programmes are not merely poverty alleviation. It is a safety net for all citizens. The need for it to be universal is clearly proven during times such as this, where universal social protection could have softened the blow of climate disasters to some extent.
Universal social protection must be considered as part and parcel of disaster preparedness and post-disaster economic and social resilience. This resilience is built through these systems as a sustainable and reliable connection between the state and citizens. Social protection ensures access to critical infrastructure such as healthcare facilities, meal and nutrition programmes, to climate resilient housing and to adaptation financing to support livelihoods.
In the past few days we’ve also witnessed devastating natural disasters in Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia. The global debt burden mirrors the climate crisis and is disproportionately upon the feeble shoulders of poorer countries such as Sri Lanka. People are barely surviving the economic crisis and rising costs of living while more than 50% of households are heavily in debt.
The Government must account for this reality and review its economic priorities, of its continuing inhumane austerity policies and harsh debt repayment commitments. Evidence strongly shows that there is a likely causation between impacts of climate disasters and increasing debt burdens. As FCEJ, we strongly reiterate that the NPP Government must renegotiate the conditions stipulated by the IMF
IMF
International Monetary Fund
Along with the World Bank, the IMF was founded on the day the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed. Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates.
When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in 1971, the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments.
As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state. 85% of the votes is required to modify the IMF Charter (which means that the USA with 17,68% % of the votes has a de facto veto on any change).
The institution is dominated by five countries: the United States (16,74%), Japan (6,23%), Germany (5,81%), France (4,29%) and the UK (4,29%).
The other 183 member countries are divided into groups led by one country. The most important one (6,57% of the votes) is led by Belgium. The least important group of countries (1,55% of the votes) is led by Gabon and brings together African countries.
http://imf.org
and other lenders in the coming months. The Government must choose to be on the side of its people and not side with its creditors as the nation struggles to emerge from this disaster.
Urgent demands:
17 October 2025, by Feminist Collective for Economic Justice