Porto Alegre (Brazil), 26th - 31st January 2005
21 December 2004 by Eric Toussaint
After talking over the experiences and lessons arising from previous WSFs, especially the fourth one held in Mumbai (India) in January 2004, a number of changes have been introduced into the structure of the 5th World Social Forum (WSF). These changes will appear in the new territorial organisation of the forthcoming Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil. There will be thematic venues carrying on their activities in different locations situated in the centre of Porto Alegre, by the lagoon.
The activities, of which over 90% are self-run by organisations taking part in the WSF, will be divided into 11 different thematic venues (or “spaces”), as follows:
1) Guarantee and defend the common goods Common goods In economics, common goods are characterized by being collectively owned, as opposed to either privately or publicly owned. In philosophy, the term denotes what is shared by the members of one community, whether a town or indeed all humanity, from a juridical, political or moral standpoint. of the Earth and its peoples as an alternative to commercialisation and the domination of transnational corporations.
2) Art and creativity: build up cultures of popular resistance.
3) Communication: anti-hegemonic practices - rights and alternatives.
4) Defend diversity, plurality and identities.
5) Human rights and dignity for a world based on justice and equality.
6) Economic sovereignty for and by the people as against neo-liberal capitalism.
7) Ethics, cosmic vision and spirituality - resistance and challenges for a new world.
8) Social struggles and democratic alternatives as against neo-liberal domination.
9) Peace, demilitarisation and struggles against war, free trade and the debt.
10) Think autonomously; take over and socialise knowledge and technology.
11) Move towards the construction of an international democratic order and the integration of populations.
Articulating the Forum around 11 thematic venues highlights two fundamental objectives which were discussed and agreed upon at the meetings of the International Council, after the Mumbai Forum, and at the meetings of the Council’s Commission on Methodology and Content.
Firstly, we want these discussions to hinge on methods of struggle with the aim of making current areas of resistance against neo-liberal globalisation more visible. For the movements and associations taking part in the WSF are the protagonists in these spheres of resistance. The eleven thematic venues were drawn up after an Internet debate on the campaigns and methods signifying the most resistance, and the ensuing analysis of the consultation.
Secondly, the Forum wants to promote and consolidate convergence of struggles and campaigns so as to push forward alternatives for another world, both possible and necessary.
11 thematic venues and 4 transversal axes [1]
The 11 thematic venues are the best places to express the plurality and diversity which are a major characteristic and driving force of the resistance movement against neo-liberal globalisation.
The idea is to avoid fragmentation of issues at debate since this renders convergence and synthesis as mentioned above more difficult. It is to this end that four transversal axes of articulation have been proposed. They should provide “horizons” and preoccupations common to the debates of each of the 11 thematic venues. The four axes are as follows:
1) Social emancipation and the political dimension of struggles
2) The struggle against capitalism and patriarchy
3) Diversity and gender
4) The struggle against racism
There is no doubt that the sudden appearance on the international scene of the movement against neo-liberal globalisation, begun in the 90s, has been the most significant political event so far in this new century. The international movement’s actions have been decisive, in the last few years, in undermining the legitimacy of capitalism hitherto seen as the historic and supposedly natural horizon beyond which humanity cannot go. There have been countless international days of anti-war protest. These are an indication of the world-wide scale of rejection of the arguments of “armed neo-liberalism” and “never-ending war” used to try and salvage some legitimacy for neo-liberal globalisation.
The movement’s continual diverse struggles serve both for the gestation and the diffusion of new alternatives for a society and a civilisation that are marked by the forms of oppression, domination and discrimination inherent in today’s capitalism. Discussions in search of a dynamics of emancipation have to be accompanied by a debate over the contents and the political horizons of the social movement’s struggles.
The actions undertaken by the majority of those involved in the WSF at all levels often come up against political obstacles. In recent years, and on numerous occasions, in both the North and the South of the planet, the majority of citizens have quite clearly rejected neo-liberal policies, in the street and in the polling-booths. Nevertheless, many governments elected on promises to break away from neo-liberalism have pursued the same policies as their predecessors. In some cases they have even pursued policies of militarisation and criminalisation of protest movements. In face of such events, we have to reflect upon ways and strategies to oppose this “confiscation” of the right to refuse neo-liberal policies.
The 5th WSF: a meeting for action
Various big street demonstrations will be organised during the Forum. We are expecting tens of thousands of demonstrators. One of them will target free trade and the Free Trade Area for the Americas or FTAA (ALCA in Spanish).
A large self-managed youth venue
About twenty thousand participants will take part in the big self-run youth-camp. Unlike at previous WSFs, the camp will be geographically situated in such a way as to enable full integration in all the activities.
Some worries
In spite of the positive changes mentioned above and a high level of militancy - an example being the magnificent work done by hundreds of volunteer translators - the WSF is slowly evolving into a huge machine which costs a huge amount to run. The WSF budget, directly managed by the Brazilian secretariat, comes to at least six million euros. It is a lot of money. Things can go wrong. Especially in the field of communication: posters, what is said in press conferences. Another possible problem is a tendency to make proposals which go no further than the organisers who seize them on the wing can take them. In other words, things drift towards realpolitik and hopes of radical change are frustrated. The WSF and those who take part and support it deserve better. Which is why it is necessary to keep to a radical course of action rooted in the social mobilisation and the debates it produces.
by Eric TOUSSAINT
President of the CADTM Belgium and member of the International Council of the WSF.
[1] The text on transversal axes is adapted from the one published on the World Social Forum web-site:http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br.
is a historian and political scientist who completed his Ph.D. at the universities of Paris VIII and Liège, is the spokesperson of the CADTM International, and sits on the Scientific Council of ATTAC France.
He is the author of Greece 2015: there was an alternative. London: Resistance Books / IIRE / CADTM, 2020 , Debt System (Haymarket books, Chicago, 2019), Bankocracy (2015); The Life and Crimes of an Exemplary Man (2014); Glance in the Rear View Mirror. Neoliberal Ideology From its Origins to the Present, Haymarket books, Chicago, 2012, etc.
See his bibliography: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89ric_Toussaint
He co-authored World debt figures 2015 with Pierre Gottiniaux, Daniel Munevar and Antonio Sanabria (2015); and with Damien Millet Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank: Sixty Questions, Sixty Answers, Monthly Review Books, New York, 2010. He was the scientific coordinator of the Greek Truth Commission on Public Debt from April 2015 to November 2015.
When President Joe Biden says that the US never denounced any debt obligation it’s a lie to convince people that there is no alternative to a bad bi-partisan agreement
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