BRICS 2025 Q&A Series (Part 3)
They do not offer an alternative financing and trade model for the Global South
17 September 2025 by Eric Toussaint

President of Russia Vladimir Putin during a group photo ceremony for the heads of delegation at the 16th BRICS summit in Kazan. From left: Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed, President of Egypt Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, President of South Africa Cyril Ramaphosa, President of China Xi Jinping. From right: Foreign Minister of Brazil Mauro Vieira, President of Iran Masoud Pezeshkian, President of the UAE Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi.
Author: Sergey Bobylev
Source: Photohost agency brics-russia2024.ru
Location: Kazan, Republic of Tatarstan, Russia
BRICS+ is a diverse coalition consisting of 10 countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, joined in 2024 by Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia, Indonesia and Iran). Notably some of these nations are direct allies of the United States.
Faced with Donald Trump’s aggressive stance on customs tariffs, the BRICS+ member countries are engaging in negotiations that lack cohesion. There is no evident effort on their part to form a unified bloc. In response to Trump’s attacks, China and India are strengthening their ties and maintaining significant trade relations with Russia, but these nations are not cooperating as a bloc, either with the other two founding members of BRICS, Brazil and South Africa, or collectively as BRICS+.
While the 10 BRICS+ member countries account for half of the world’s population, 40% of fossil energy resources, 30% of global GDP and 50% of economic growth, they do not propose a different development model.
BRICS leaders are deeply rooted in the capitalist mode of production, which has provoked to the current ecological crisis. The BRICS countries support the preservation of the existing international financial architecture (with the IMF and the World Bank at its core) and international trade system (WTO, free trade agreements, etc.).
Although the 10 BRICS+ member countries represent half of the world’s population, 40% of fossil energy resources, 30% of global domestic product and 50% of growth, they do not propose to implement a different development model.
In the final declaration of the BRICS+ summit held in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) in early July 2025, the following is stated in point 11:
"The International Monetary Fund (IMF) must remain adequately resourced and agile, at the centre of the global financial safety net (GFSN), to effectively support its members, particularly the most vulnerable countries.” https://dirco.gov.za/rio-de-janeiro-declaration-strengthening-global-south-cooperation-for-a-more-inclusive-and-sustainable-governance-rio-de-janeiro-brazil-6-july-2025/
They also express their support for the World Bank
World Bank
WB
The World Bank was founded as part of the new international monetary system set up at Bretton Woods in 1944. Its capital is provided by member states’ contributions and loans on the international money markets. It financed public and private projects in Third World and East European countries.
It consists of several closely associated institutions, among which :
1. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, 189 members in 2017), which provides loans in productive sectors such as farming or energy ;
2. The International Development Association (IDA, 159 members in 1997), which provides less advanced countries with long-term loans (35-40 years) at very low interest (1%) ;
3. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), which provides both loan and equity finance for business ventures in developing countries.
As Third World Debt gets worse, the World Bank (along with the IMF) tends to adopt a macro-economic perspective. For instance, it enforces adjustment policies that are intended to balance heavily indebted countries’ payments. The World Bank advises those countries that have to undergo the IMF’s therapy on such matters as how to reduce budget deficits, round up savings, enduce foreign investors to settle within their borders, or free prices and exchange rates.
. In point 12 of their declaration, they indicate a desire to enhance the legitimacy of this institution. However, since their inception, both the World Bank and the IMF have implemented policies that contradict the interests of people and ecological balance
Balance
End of year statement of a company’s assets (what the company possesses) and liabilities (what it owes). In other words, the assets provide information about how the funds collected by the company have been used; and the liabilities, about the origins of those funds.
.
The BRICS+ have stated their intention to bolster the financial capacities of the IMF and enhance the legitimacy of the World Bank.
The BRICS countries express a desire for improved representation of so-called developing countries within the IMF and the World Bank. That is all. Numerous authors, along with the CADTM have illustrated that both the World Bank, and the IMF perpetuate an anti-democratic under-representation of these developing nations. Moreover, their governance structures tend to favour the interests of the major economic powers and large private corporations.
In their final declaration, the BRICS countries fails to critique the neoliberal policies that the two Bretton Woods institutions actively promote. At no point do they question the debts that these institutions are demanding repayment from indebted countries.
This stance taken by BRICS in support of the IMF and the WB contradicts the interests of the people and the positions held social and/or anti-globalisation movements. (For further details refer to the Q&A series on the BRICS, particularly the section discussing the BRICS’ backing of the IMF to rescue Milei’s far-right government in Argentina.)
The BRICS+ countries refrain from criticising the neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and the World Bank on countries seeking loans from them
The BRICS countries have emerged as the principal advocates of the WTO, which has been effectively paralysed by President Trump’s actions during his first term in office. In 2017, the Trump administration declined to appoint new judges to the WTO’s Appellate Body which acts as the “supreme court” of international trade, resolving disputes between states following an initial panel’s ruling. As this body has remained blocked since 2017, the WTO has been rendered inoperable.
In point 13 of the Rio Declaration of July 2025, the BRICS+ countries affirm their support for WTO rules and assert that the WTO must be at the heart of the global trading
Market activities
trading
Buying and selling of financial instruments such as shares, futures, derivatives, options, and warrants conducted in the hope of making a short-term profit.
system. The BRICS+ countries state:
“We emphasise that the WTO, on its 30th anniversary, remains the only multilateral institution with the necessary mandate, expertise, universal reach and capacity to lead on the multiple dimensions of international trade discussions, including the negotiation of new trade rules.”
It should be remembered that social movements, La Via Campesina and the anti-globalisation movement (the movement against neoliberal capitalist globalisation) have systematically criticised and condemned the WTO for its detrimental role, as its actions run counter to the interests of workers, farmers, local economies and nature (see box on the WTO).
| Why is the WTO’s action negative? Why should we oppose it? The World Trade Organisation (WTO) comprises 166 member countries and commenced operations in 1995. It seeks to eliminate all barriers that nations implement to safeguard their local producers. However, contrary to the aims of WTO, customs barriers should be employed, for example, to protect small farms, small and medium-sized enterprises and/or public enterprises, which for various reasons are unable to compete with products exported by more technologically advanced economies. Customs protections can also safeguard local businesses from competition posed by imports from economies that benefit from lower wages due to labour exploitation. Furthermore, these protections can be used to shield so-called developing economies from an influx of goods from countries that heavily subsidise their domestic production, particularly that which is intended for export. It is well-documented that major economic powers, such as those in North America and Western Europe, often resort to substantial subsidies for their large companies, frequently circumventing WTO rules, despite having played a key role in establishing them. The WTO, through the General Agreement on Trade in Services, the strongly promotes the privatisation of essential public services (water, health, education, transport, etc.). This approach tends to enhance the dominance of multinational corporations while marginalising smaller local entities. Additionally, the WTO plays a significant role in defending intellectual property rights through the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), encompassing sensitive areas such as medicines, seeds and technology. For instance, during the Covid pandemic, the WTO, facing pressure from powerful nations and multinational pharmaceutical companies, declined to suspend these intellectual property rules, thereby hindering access to vaccines for poorer countries. In terms of plant varieties, the WTO has been instrumental in enforcing stringent intellectual property rights standards, which has led to the global privatization of agricultural life, adversely affecting the rights of small farmers and undermining seed sovereignty in various nations. Furthermore, the WTO collaborates with the IMF and the World Bank, forming a trio that promotes policies beneficial to multinationals and enforces a shift in the economies of developing countries towards greater integration into the global market, resulting in increased economic, financial, and food dependency. From the perspective of people’s interests, countries (or groups of countries) should adopt policies that contravene WTO rules to bolster local production and cater to domestic market. This entails addressing the needs of their populations, particularly, by subsidising local producers. Contrary to WTO rules, countries ought to be able to protect their public services and public enterprises from foreign competition. Historically, all economies that have successfully achieved industrial diversification and food sovereignty have done so by protecting their domestic markets from competition. It is important to note that Great Britain only adopted free trade in the second half of the 19th century, having reached a sufficient level of technological advancement to withstand competition. Prior to this, Great Britain was highly protectionist, systematically safeguarding its local industry (refer to the works of Paul Bairoch [1] and many other authors). This trend was also evident in the United States, which only cautiously embraced free trade after the Second World War, once its industries had achieved significant technological advances. The same was true of South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s (see: Éric Toussaint, South Korean miracle is exposed). Japan followed a similar path from the 19th century until the latter half of the 20th century. China, too, strongly protected its market and supported its industries until it achieved a competitive advantage, which has now positioned it as a major proponent of free trade.. Trump’s protectionist and aggressive stance on customs duties stems from a significant loss of competitiveness within the US economy, rendering local industries unable to compete with products from China and other countries in both global and domestic markets. This situation is hampering the functionality of the WTO, especially given that, during his first term—followed by Biden—Trump did not appoint any US judges to fill the vacancies on the WTO tribunal, thereby obstructing its operations. It is a mistake for the left to assume that reviving the WTO, in the name of multilateralism, would be beneficial. We should not endorse the BRICS+ countries’ pro-WTO position. This perspective, particularly supported by China, Brazil, and the United Arab Emirates, aligns with a push to increase the number of free trade agreements that undermine local producers while favouring the interests of large transnational corporations, predominantly from the North, though some from the South are also involved. China is increasingly signing free trade agreements, and Brazil is keen to ratify the MERCOSUR-European Union free trade agreement. However, social movements in both Europe and MERCOSUR are opposing this initiative. As opposed to free trade agreements, should advocate for agreements between groups of countries that collaborate to implement economic, social, and cultural policies aimed at promoting human rights while respecting the environment, prioritising social and environmental justice. These agreements ought to encompass trade within a broader framework grounded in the principles of solidarity and complementarity. Increasing trade should not be viewed as an end in itself; far from it. Instead, prioritising non-commercial exchanges is essential, including the sharing of knowledge, free transfer of technology and know-how, reparations, restitution of ill-gotten gains, etc. Countries should be empowered to safeguard the environment and biodiversity by enacting stringent regulations to prevent the overexploitation of natural resources and the destruction of ecosystems. It is important to note that in 2022, the World Trade Organization (WTO) declined to support a proposal endorsed by over a hundred countries in the Global South, which sought to lift patent restrictions on vaccines. The objective of this proposal was to facilitate large-scale production to protect populations affected by the pandemic. |
In the final declaration of the BRICS+ summit in Rio 2025, which spans approximately 40 pages and consists of 126 points, there is no reference to the suspension of patents on vaccine production. These patents, however, serve the specific interests of large private pharmaceutical companies, whose main motivation is the pursuit of maximum profits.
To understand the BRICS+ position, it is essential to recognise that China has secured an advantage over the United States and Europe regarding production and trade, both in terms of costs and productivity, and technological advantages in a number of important sectors. China has emerged as a staunch proponent of free trade, free trade agreements, WTO rules and free competition, while the United States, the EU, the UK and Canada have become increasingly protectionist [2] .
In the name of compliance with WTO rules, the BRICS+ countries denounce the protectionist measures and trade sanctions imposed by the United States and the European powers. Of course, Russia and Iran, which are directly affected by the sanctions, strongly advocate for free trade, oppose protectionism, and criticise them (refer to point 14 of the final declaration).
The BRICS countries have emerged as the primary supporters of the WTO, which has been rendered ineffective since the onset of Trump’s first term in office.
In addition, the governments of North America and Western Europe have abandoned the rhetoric and actions that once favoured globalisation—rhetoric they had previously championed as a path to prosperity from the 1990s to the mid-2010s, while engaging in a trade war with China. During this period, from 1997 to 2013, Russia was invited to attend meetings of the G7 (comprising the United States, Canada, Japan, Germany, France, Great Britain, and Italy). Consequently, the G7 was referred to as the G8 G8 Group composed of the most powerful countries of the planet: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK and the USA, with Russia a full member since June 2002. Their heads of state meet annually, usually in June or July. during this timeframe. Meanwhile, the United States regarded China as an intriguing economic and trading partner (Refer to Benjamin Bürbaumer, Chine/États-Unis, le capitalisme contre la mondialisation, La Découverte, Paris, 2024, 302 pages).
The BRICS countries are are the primary proponents of capitalist globalisation, which is in the midst of a crisis
Now, the BRICS have emerged as the main advocates of capitalist globalisation, which is itself in crisis. In point 8 of the final declaration of the Rio 2025 summit, they state:
“We acknowledge that multipolarity can expand opportunities for EMDCs to develop their constructive potential and enjoy universally beneficial, inclusive and equitable economic globalization and cooperation.”
Point 43 of the declaration reads:
“We reiterate the importance of ensuring that trade and sustainable development policies are mutually supportive, and aligned with WTO rules.”
The expansion of the BRICS in 2024, now referred to as BRICS+, has generated expectations regarding their potential to provide an alternative to the global economic system largely dominated by traditional imperialist powers, particularly the United States. However, despite their significant demographic and economic influence — comprising nearly half of the world’s population, 40% of fossil fuel resources, 30% of global GDP
GDP
Gross Domestic Product
Gross Domestic Product is an aggregate measure of total production within a given territory equal to the sum of the gross values added. The measure is notoriously incomplete; for example it does not take into account any activity that does not enter into a commercial exchange. The GDP takes into account both the production of goods and the production of services. Economic growth is defined as the variation of the GDP from one period to another.
, and 50% of economic growth — the BRICS+ nations do not appear to seek a departure from the existing international neoliberal framework.
On the financial front; the final declaration of the Rio summit (July 2025) reaffirms the central role of the IMF and the World Bank. The BRICS+ nations restrict themselves to advocating for better representation of developing countries without challenging the structural adjustment
Structural Adjustment
Economic policies imposed by the IMF in exchange of new loans or the rescheduling of old loans.
Structural Adjustments policies were enforced in the early 1980 to qualify countries for new loans or for debt rescheduling by the IMF and the World Bank. The requested kind of adjustment aims at ensuring that the country can again service its external debt. Structural adjustment usually combines the following elements : devaluation of the national currency (in order to bring down the prices of exported goods and attract strong currencies), rise in interest rates (in order to attract international capital), reduction of public expenditure (’streamlining’ of public services staff, reduction of budgets devoted to education and the health sector, etc.), massive privatisations, reduction of public subsidies to some companies or products, freezing of salaries (to avoid inflation as a consequence of deflation). These SAPs have not only substantially contributed to higher and higher levels of indebtedness in the affected countries ; they have simultaneously led to higher prices (because of a high VAT rate and of the free market prices) and to a dramatic fall in the income of local populations (as a consequence of rising unemployment and of the dismantling of public services, among other factors).
IMF : http://www.worldbank.org/
policies, imposed debts, or the neoliberal orientation of these institutions. Regarding trade, BRICS+ members support the World Trade Organisation (WTO), which has been effectively paralysed since the US blockade initiated by Donald Trump in 2017. They underscore its legitimacy and aim to position it at the core of the global trading system, yet fail to address its detrimental effects on local economies, social rights or the environment.
In practice, China, supported by other members, is multiplying free trade agreements and promoting capitalist globalisation based on free trade, even as the former powers of the North are now turning towards protectionism. Thus, far from representing a counter-model, the BRICS+ countries present themselves as the new defenders of a globalised capitalist system in crisis, to the detriment of social movements and alternatives based on social justice, economic sovereignty and environmental protection.
By supporting the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO, they perpetuate globalised neoliberalism instead of presenting a viable alternative. This stance illustrates their intention to enhance their influence within these dominant institutions, all the while remaining aligned, with a destructive logic detrimental to both peoples and the planet.
Far from serving as a means of emancipation for the countries of the South, the BRICS+ seem to act as collaborators in managing a crisis-ridden capitalism that has steered the planet towards ecological disaster, an escalation in armed conflicts, and a significant deterioration of crimes against humanity crimes against humanity. In light of this, it falls upon social and anti-globalisation movements to persist in advocating for alternative proposals: protection of common goods
Common goods
In economics, common goods are characterized by being collectively owned, as opposed to either privately or publicly owned. In philosophy, the term denotes what is shared by the members of one community, whether a town or indeed all humanity, from a juridical, political or moral standpoint.
, solidarity between peoples, economic sovereignty, ecological bifurcation — a decisive break with the current destructive model — and social justice.
The author would like to thank Omar Aziki, Sushovan Dhar, Jawad Moustakbal and Maxime Perriot for their review and inputs. The author is solely responsible for the opinions expressed in this text and any errors it may contain.
[1] Paul Bairoch: Economics and World History. Myths and Paradoxes, Nueva York, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993, índice, 182 pp.
[2] There are, of course, exceptions, particularly when the EU maintains its advantage in its relations with less advanced trading partners, for example with African countries, where it remains in favour of free trade agreements.
is a historian and political scientist who completed his Ph.D. at the universities of Paris VIII and Liège, is the spokesperson of the CADTM International, and sits on the Scientific Council of ATTAC France.
He is the author of World Bank: A Critical History, London, Pluto, 2023, Greece 2015: there was an alternative. London: Resistance Books / IIRE / CADTM, 2020 , Debt System (Haymarket books, Chicago, 2019), Bankocracy (2015); The Life and Crimes of an Exemplary Man (2014); Glance in the Rear View Mirror. Neoliberal Ideology From its Origins to the Present, Haymarket books, Chicago, 2012, etc.
See his bibliography: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89ric_Toussaint
He co-authored World debt figures 2015 with Pierre Gottiniaux, Daniel Munevar and Antonio Sanabria (2015); and with Damien Millet Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank: Sixty Questions, Sixty Answers, Monthly Review Books, New York, 2010. He was the scientific coordinator of the Greek Truth Commission on Public Debt from April 2015 to November 2015.
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